Freitag, 28. Februar 2025

The return to human scale: Industrial disarmament!

Bruno Kern

The potential of renewable energies and efficiency technologies is generally limited and cannot maintain the current level of consumption. In the future, we will have to cope with much less net energy. The restructuring of the economy in the rich industrialized countries must therefore be accompanied by a consistent, solidary dismantling. Consistent regulatory measures can initiate this inevitable process of shrinkage. 


Dismantling instead of conversion

The talk of the ecological "restructuring" of industrial society has meanwhile become a commonplace across all political camps. It is assumed that we achieve the necessary reductions and ultimately CO2 neutrality solely by means of more efficient technical processes and that we can easily substitute the energy that has so far come from fossil sources with renewable energies. However, if you calculate seriously, you will come to the conclusion that a conversion must inevitably go hand in hand with dismantling, that we must drastically reduce the absolute consumption of energy and other resources. Actually, common sense tells you: Renewable energy sources have a much lower energy density than fossil fuels, they have a limited potential and their honestly calculated energy balance is rather sobering.

The endenergy consumption in Germany, which in addition to electricity (it currently accounts for only 20 %), includes room heating, transport, process energy, etc., currently amounts to 2,500 TWh per year. A study commissioned by the WWF has calculated that a potential of renewable energies could be exploited in Germany that provides little more than 700 TWh (WWF 2019, 9). After all, that would be significantly more than twice as much of the amount of electricity that comes from renewable sources today. Even if there are somewhat more optimistic estimations here and there, there is a large gap between our current energy consumption and what is theoretically available to us from domestic renewable sources. The conversion of the chemical industry at today's level to decarbonised processes alone requires an additional electricity demand of 685 TWh, significantly more than we generate today in total electricity (DECHEMA / FutureCamp 2019, 9), the conversion to green steel and the replacement of gas and oil heating systems with heat pumps mean a further additional electricity demand of at least 250 TWh, etc.

In the meantime, the oath of disclosure has long since been taken. Especially those who have persistently invoked the possibility of a one hundred percent supply of renewable energies in recent decades apparently assume that we will be dependent on natural gas for decades to come and will have to import huge amounts of hydrogen if we want to maintain our level of industrialization. The conversion of our steel production, fuel cells for ships, buses, trucks, aircraft, electricity storage, etc. requires quantities of hydrogen, which – as most scenarios assume – we will have to obtain about 80 % from other countries (Kreutzfeld 2022). However, even in countries with the most favourable conditions for solar and wind power, the corresponding potential is not unlimited, and in many cases there is a lack of freshwater as a resource indispensable for the production of green hydrogen in the very areas that are most interesting for Europe in this respect (North and West Africa)! Our greed for the "champagne of the energy transition" comes at the expense of the immediate living conditions of the people in the potential exporting countries. A new imperialism under green auspices and a dangerous global competition for hydrogen as a resource as well as for other non-renewable raw materials (lithium, cobalt, graphite, neodymium, etc.) that are indispensable for renewable energies and processes are already emerging.

 

Renewable does not mean inexhaustible

Not least under the pressure of the Ukraine war, the expansion of renewable energies is currently being pushed forward. However, this cannot change the fundamentally limited potential. In addition, the expansion of the corresponding plants together with the necessary infrastructure is initially associated with a considerable input of energy and resources and with corresponding emissions. In a situation in which the CO2 budget still available to us will be exhausted in just a few years, we are therefore dealing with a "material rebound" of considerable proportions precisely due to the accelerated expansion of renewable energies. The installation of a wind turbine alone, which meets today's standard (with a capacity of about 3.5 MW), consumes – in addition to rare earths such as neodymium for the generator – about 150 tons of steel and also requires a 2000-ton reinforced concrete base.

The public debate is currently suggesting that only bureaucratic obstacles need to be removed in order to advance the expansion of renewable energies. The fundamentally limited potential is obscured.[1]

Take photovoltaik, for example: it currently contributes about 9 % to the electric power supply and will continue to play a rather subordinate role in Germany in the future. It is the renewable form of energy that initially requires the largest material and energy input. In terms of kilowatt hour, the use of resources is more than sixty times as high as in a nuclear plant. The energy return time, i.e. the time from which a corresponding system generates net energy, i.e. the time by which it has generated the energy required for the plant itself (including grid integration, etc.), depends largely on the number of hours of sunshine per year. Many energy balances simply include 1800 hours of sunshine in the bill. In northern Germany, however, we are far from that and do not even reach half of it. There are reasonable doubts as to whether photovoltaics in regions such as northern Germany or Switzerland have a positive energy balance at all – if one calculates honestly. The currently politically demanded solar obligation on all roofs is therefore pure nonsense. Precisely because of the high energy input required, photovoltaic modules should be installed where they promise sufficient efficiency. [2]

With regard to the calculation of the EROEI (energy return on energy invested), i.e. the energy return time, it should be noted in principle: An honest balancing, which is usually avoided, would be the so called emergy concept, as proposed by Howard Oddum, for example. Emergy stands for embodied energy and means: Proportionally, when balancing a plant, the entire process that was required for its production including grid integration must be considered, i.e. in relation to photovoltaics, the construction of the factories that produce the excavators that shovel the sand from which the silicon is ultimately extracted should be taken into account proportionately. Because of the volatility of renewable energies, the necessary storage capacities would also have to be included in the balance sheet.

The most important and promising form of renewable energy for Germany is undoubtedly wind energy. Here, too, distance regulations and other bureaucratic obstacles determine the public debate. Two percent of our land area, according to the current political requirement, should be available for wind farms.  Again, you are lying to yourself: Apart from the fact that in view of very scarce land, in view of a larger land requirement for a (more extensive) organic farming, in view of the forests, peatlands (moors), etc. required as CO 2 sinks there is actually competition for use, one obscures the problem that it is not simply about areas, but about suitable locations! The efficiency of a wind turbine depends largely on the average wind speed at a particular location (six meters per second is actually the requirement). Gregor Czich (University of Kassel) already demonstrated in detail in 2004 that these areas are scarce. Of course, the best locations tended to be used first. A significant potential should be tapped through so-called repowering, i.e. by replacing old wind turbines with more powerful ones at locations already in use. The desperate search for further favorable locations for wind turbines today has the consequence that one accepts a considerable degree of destruction of nature, for example deforestation on a large scale – which is likely to worsen the CO 2 balance. The example of Baden-Württemberg is instructive here: there are no distance rules here and since 2011 a Green Prime Minister is in charge. In his first coalition agreement (at that time still with the SPD) the declaration of intent was included to cover 10 % of the electricity demand from domestic wind power. After landing at around 4.4 % ten years later, the current coalition agreement now provides for the opening of state forests. Deforestation on a large scale in the Swabian Alb and the Black Forest! This is what it looks like, the brave new world of renewable energies. 

The offshore potential is also fundamentally limited: it is difficult to go beyond a sea depth of more than 30 meters, and the problem of "shading" only allows for a certain expansion density. Studies related to Europe estimate the offshore potential at no more than 25 % of current electricity consumption, and globally it is estimated that there is around 5000 TWh of offshore potential. It should therefore come as no surprise that one of the most prominent climate scientists, who comes from a country with a lot of sea coastline (Great Britain), James Lovelock (who recently passed away at an age of 103!), has changed into a nuclear power advocate in view of these prospects. Gregor Czich, on the other hand, sees the solution in huge interconnected grids that encompass North Africa as well as the Caucasus, i.e. include about a third of the earth's land area. He hardly reflects the fact that the necessity of setting up redundant structures worsens the energy balance. Such fantastic blossoms result now from the desperation of those who honestly face the limitations of potential.

To be honest, one would also have to include in the energy balance the necessary storage capacities that ensure that electricity is available on demand, which is indispensable for an industrial society. The sheer scale of this task poses significant problems for us. Pumped storage power plants have a high degree of efficiency, but for which, however, the appropriate landscape conditions must be met. Of course, the fundamental question of how much landscape and nature destruction we want to accept for our energy supply is by no means trivial. So-called redox flow batteries (based on vanadium, which is currently mainly produced as a waste product in steel production, or lignin) are also very efficient, but require a lot of space. Due to the already existing grid connection, the installation[3] of these storage facilities at sites of decommissioned fossil power plants could be a sensible possibility. Compressed air storage systems are only suitable for short-term storage up to 48 hours, and hydrogen storage systems have a very poor efficiency (about 20 %).

The complete substitutability of fossil fuels by renewables is therefore illusory. We should be prepared for the fact that we will have to cope with considerably less net energy in the future. Even a certain increase in technical efficiency will not change this much.

 

Efficiency revolution?

Fred Luks has taken the promises of the efficiency revolution to absurdity with a simple calculation: If resource consumption in the industrialized nations is to fall by a factor of 10 by 2050 (which is largely consensus), and if at the same time a modest economic growth of 2 percent per year is to be assumed, then resource productivity (i.e. the amount of goods and services per unit of a certain resource used) would have to grow by a factor of 27!  Economic growth of 3 percent already requires 43 times the energy and resource efficiency (Luks 1997). Efficiency increases are simply subject to the law of deminishing returns, i.e. the more efficiency potentials have already been exhausted, the more difficult it becomes to achieve further efficiency increases. This is also confirmed by empiric data: In industrialized countries such as Germany or Japan, it can be observed that after impressive increases in energy efficiency (the ratio of energy input to gross national product) and at least a temporary relative decoupling of GDP growth from energy and resource throughput  from the mid-seventies, no further significant efficiency successes could be achieved. In Germany, stagnation has been observed since about 2000 (the special factor GDR, i.e. the liquidation of the very inefficient industrial plants in eastern Germany, is the reason why this effect is delayed compared to other industrialized countries), in Japan even since the beginning of the nineties (Minqi Li 2008, 161–162). The most accurate study worldwide is probably that of the two Canadians Lightfood and Green. They estimate the global efficiency potential from the reference year 1990 to the end of our century (i.e. by 2100!) at 250 to 330 percent (quoted in Minqi Li 2008, 162, among others), whereby such a global view has so far included highly inefficient regions. This is far away from the famous factor calculations of Ernst Ulrich von Weizsäcker. In order to avoid this sobering finding, the eco-capitalist optimists of purpose, such as him, always limit themselves to impressive individual examples in their bestsellers. According to Ted Trainer's judgment, even here 50 % is based on pure beliefs (Trainer 2007, 115–117).

There is therefore no way around it: an absolute decoupling of the economic growth required for the stability of the capitalist economy from energy and resource throughput is an illusion in view of this finding. Today's level of industrial production is incompatible with environmental sustainability. Dismantling must be initiated as quickly and consistently as possible. In my opinion, the most urgent task is to describe it in detail and to show how it should be designed in solidarity.

 

Industrial disarmament

Let's take a closer look at some fields:[4]

An ecological transition in transport and mobility is of the utmost importance in Germany. Traffic is currently responsible for about 20 % of carbon dioxide emissions and for a total energy consumption of about 750 TWh. Switching to alternative drives is of little help. E-fuels and hydrogen-based fuel cells have a very poor degree of efficiency. In the latter case, less than 20 % of the energy originally used is converted into kinetic energy after the required double conversion process. The necessary liquefaction and the transport contribute significantly to the poor energy balance.

The additional electricity demand for e-cars as an individual means of mass transport cannot be covered from renewable sources, especially when one considers that carbon dioxide neutrality in other areas requires a considerable additional electricity demand – for example, if the oil and gas heating systems are replaced by heat pumps.

In addition, however, automobile production must already be included in the overall balance!  48 % of the very energy-intensive aluminium produced in the production process (one tonne consumes 14 MWh of electricity!), 26 % of the steel and 12 % of the plastics currently flow into German automobile production. The upstream equipment industries, the production of corresponding production machines, robots, etc., are not even taken into account. The electric car exacerbates this problem: the heavy battery, the generation of which itself is already associated with considerable CO2-emissions[5] (according to a VDI study 17 tons, by technical improvements this is to be reduced in the EU to 12 tons by 2030), must be reduced by more lightweight construction (more aluminum, more  carbon composite fibers)  ...) so that an electric car consumes considerably more energy and resources during production than a comparable petrol or diesel engine. Converting the 48 million cars currently registered in Germany, let alone the more than one billion cars worldwide, to alternative drives is simply absurd – if only because of the scarcity of the necessary raw materials such as lithium and cobalt. Even the german Green Party, which tend to be optimistic in this area, assume  that a maximum of 15 million electric cars will be available in Germany  after the end of the combustion engine (2030). The German government, which was in office until 2021, estimated the number of e-cars to only 8 million. In view of this finding, however, the question immediately arises as to who should then be granted the privilege of driving. The proposal of the Ecosocialism Initiative is therefore that by 2030 at the latest, no more cars should be approved for purely private use (except, of course, emergency vehicles, taxis including transport taxis, company vehicles for craftsmen, jointly managed e-car pools in remote rural areas  ...). An ecological change in transport can only mean a farewell to motorised private transport. As the example of Switzerland shows, a corresponding expansion of public transport can also sensibly connect remote settlements in rural areas.  However, we cannot shift today's traffic volume to public transport on a one-to-one basis. This would mean a multiplication of capacities that would be neither logistically feasible nor ecologically meaningfull. Reducing the need for mobility is a challenging structural policy task. Reducing freight traffic through a regionalisation of the economy, which is currently also failing due to the requirements of the EU internal market, is indispensable. In addition, we will also have to develop a different attitude to mobility and say goodbye to certain demands (cf. Kern 22020, 78–85; 165).

Another problem field is the construction industry, which, among other things, consumes 35 % of the steel we produce. Steel production is not only associated with considerable energy consumption, but also carbon dioxide is produced as a result of the process. Now there are technically mature processes that replace the reducing agent coke with hydrogen and process the pig iron obtained in this way into steel in electric arc furnaces. The efficiency can be further increased by obtaining the hydrogen from water vapour and using the waste heat from the blast furnaces for this purpose. But even if all these possibilities are exhausted, this "green steel" will only be available to us in considerably smaller quantities in view of the scarce supply of the necessary energy (for example for hydrogen production). The conversion of today's level of steel production to emission-free processes requires about 130 TWh more electricity!  The Thyssen-Krupp steelworks in Duisburg alone needed 3,500 wind turbines to convert to decarbonised processes – more than are currently installed in NRW. Cement production – which alone has so far consumed a total of 28 TWh of energy – is not only energy-intensive (limestone must be heated to 1400 degrees Celsius), the crushing of the limestone releases large amounts of CO2 bound in it. Even if the necessary energy requirement is reduced by alternative processes, this only affects the smaller part of carbon dioxide emissions. Little known is also that sand suitable for building (desert sand is not!) is now a very scarce raw material. An absolute reduction in construction activity is inevitable, i.e. a complete renunciation of prestige buildings and everything that serves the old, fossil infrastructure. As far as the necessary living space is concerned, mechanisms for the redistribution of existing housing must be developed politically. The laws and regulations concerning building must be reformed in such a way that they prevent excessive dimensions, detached single-family houses, etc. Beyond steel and concrete, in the future we will have to rely on alternative construction materials, especially timber construction, which, as the example of Austria shows, is now highly developed.

For the important chemical industry, too, it is true that it could in principle be made completely greenhouse gas neutral, that both the process-related and the emissions caused by heat generation (for example, for so-called steam cracking, by means of which the long hydrocarbon compounds are split)  could be completely avoided. However, the associated additional consumption of electricity of 685 TWh has already been pointed out above. In this area, too, there is no way around a significant reduction in overall production. In addition to the areas already discussed, the construction industry (22 %) and the car industry (12 %), the packaging industry in particular currently has a considerable demand for plastics (35 %). However, it is precisely in this area that regulatory intervention could be made very easily: A significant proportion of today's plastic packaging (canned food of all kinds, cleaning agents, beverage containers) could easily be replaced by appropriate reusable systems. Non returnable plastic bottles could be banned without further ado, as could tinplate aluminium cans. For a remaining remnant of hard-to-avoid plastic packaging, a high recycling rate could be ensured by prescribing color and material purity. In addition to avoiding emissions, this would also have solved the waste problem to a considerable extent.

A return from the current agricultural industry to a peasant agriculture that can do without artificial fertilizers makes ammonia production using the energy-intensive Haber-Bosch process superfluous. Only a shutdown of production with the help of such drastic measures will enable a completely emission-free chemical industry.

On the basis of these three large fields, it becomes clear in which dimension we have to achieve a dismantling of production and consumption as quickly as possible. It should be emphasised that this is possible with the appropriate political will with the regulatory instruments already available. Wisely, in order to take a majority of people on this difficult path, one will start with all the measures that do not affect anyone's quality of life, but are simply due to capitalist mechanisms without meaning. The packaging industry has already been mentioned. The lifetime of a large proportion of household appliances, electronic devices, etc. could be significantly extended by effective measures to stop "planned obsolescence", by imposing appropriate warranty periods, and by requiring product design requirements in terms of repairability and recyclability in the sense of the "cradle to cradle" principle, production in this area could be significantly reduced. However, it should not be withholded that a consistently advanced dismantling also calls into question the  consumption patterns of a large majority of the population. This also applies to the large number of digital devices, the possession of a smartphone, which is so common today, etc. The scarcity of available resources results in competition for use. This means that we will have to reach a political agreement on what we are using these resources for: for the construction of cruise ships or for sufficient MRI machines in our hospitals (see Kern [6]22020, 158–162).

In addition, it would be necessary to negotiate politically which products we want to do without completely, because they have no social or individual benefit, but on the contrary are harmful, pathogenic, dangerous. First and foremost, of course, is the production  of armaments. It is hard to beat the absurdity that we are preparing for future wars for increasingly scarce resources with a gigantic expenditure of resources (cf. Zumach 22005 in particular). A ban on arms exports without exception and an end to procurement by the Bundeswehr are not only required by peace policy, but are inevitable in view of the scarce resources.

Of course, we must shape this dismantling in solidarity and ensure that the material existence of the people affected is secured. In the short term, the conversion will create a need for skilled workers in many areas, for example for the construction of public transport, for the energy-efficient renovation of buildings, etc. In the long term, the exit from industrial society as we know it means an increased need for human labour in a number of areas, such as agriculture, repair shops and traditional crafts. In addition, there is already a significant need for workers in the care and education sector.

In order to materially secure the people in this enormous necessary dismantling of industrial society, Helge Peukert has proposed to build up a social-ecological employment sector by means of central bank money (i.e. independant of the revenues of the capitalist growth machine). A "conditional basic income" issued by the central bank as "gift money" (in contrast to an unconditional basic income, this should be linked to a necessary, reasonable work performance, for example to eliminate environmental damage, etc.) can alleviate people's existential fears associated with these transformations and make them active protagonists of  this change (Peukert 2021, 465–479).

 

Literature

Alexander, Samuel/Floyd, Joshua 2020: Das Ende der Kohlenstoff-Zivilisation. Wie wir mit weniger Energie leben können, München.

DECHEMA/FutureCamp 2019: Roadmap Chemie 2050. Auf dem Weg zu einer treibhausgasneutralen chemischen Industrie, Frankfurt a. M./ München.

Kern, Bruno 22020: Das Märchen vom grünen Wachstum. Plädoyer für eine solidarische und nachhaltige Gesellschaft, Zürich.

Kreutzfeld, Malte: Warnung vor neuem Kolonialismus, in: TAZ v. 27. 4. 2022.

Luks, Fred, Der Himmel ist nicht die Grenze, in: Frankfurter Rundschau, 21. 1. 1997.

Meier, Klaus 2020: Das Klima retten. CO2-neutrale Technologien und industrieller Rückbau, Frankfurt a. M.

Minqi Li 2008: The Rise of China and the Demise of Capitalist Word-Economy, London.

Peukert, Helge 2021: Klimaneutralität jetzt! Marburg.

Rohstoffhunger der E-Autos, in: Regenwaldreport 2/2021, 6–9.

Trainer, Ted 2007: Renewable Energy Cannot Sustain a Consumer Society, Dordrecht.

WWF (Hg.) 2019: Germanyʼs Electric Future II. Regionalization of renewable power generation, Berlin.

Zumach, Andreas 22005: Die kommenden Kriege. Ressourcen, Menschenrechte, Machtgewinn – Präventivkrieg als Dauerzustand? Köln.



[1] In the following, I would like to refer in general to Kern 22022, 40–90, where I dealt in detail with the energy balances of renewable energies.

[2] However, the credit side of the balance sheet has an impact only where the corresponding plant was built, so that the impression of a successful energy transition could be maintained for us. For the global climate, however, this makes no difference.

[3] In particular, I refer to Alexander/ Floyd 2020, 101–103.

[4] For the following, I refer above all to Meier 2020.

[5] With regard to the life cycle assessment of e-cars, I refer to: Hunger for raw materials in e-cars in 2021.

[6] Elsewhere, I have explained in detail why so-called "market-compliant instruments", i.e. the political influence on prices by taxes, emissions trading, etc. are unsuitable to shape this dismantling. Among many other reasons, my main argument is that these instruments only work as far as the corresponding reductions can be achieved by more efficient procedures. But when it is about absolute reduction of production, this strategy turns out to be unfit. Would the CO2-price be set so high (for example, through a corresponding design of emissions trading) that the 1.5-degree target of global warming could still be adhered to, then this would have led to the collapse of substantial parts of the Industrie and the end to the business model of a large part of the corporations. It is also often argued that a correspondingly high CO2price solely could elegantly displace coal-fired power plants from the market, because they would then become uneconomical compared to other types of electricity generation. However, this argument would only be valid on the condition that alternatives were available to a sufficient extent! Cf. above all Kern 22020, 91–115.

Donnerstag, 27. Februar 2025

Limits to Growth and Limits to Resources as Factors of Conflict and Genocide

Saral Sarkar

This post is the chapter 2 from the book "Factors of Conflict and Conditions of Peace", written by Saral Sarkar.

The book is now (since February 2025) also available in German, under the title "Krieg, Gewalt und die Grenzen des Wachstums" (Metropolis). The English version of the book was published 2024 by Books on Demand. 


According to the opinion of some archaeologists that also in the stone age, primitive foraging people (hunter-gatherers) did at least occasionally suffer from material scarcity and poverty – due perhaps to population growth or vagaries of climate and weather causing droughts and floods or a combination of both. The question is only how they behaved in such situations. Did they perpetrate violent attacks on (waged “war” against) the neighboring group of people who probably had enough and try to rob them? Or did the latter share whatever food and water they had with the suffering neighbors? Based on the evidence they saw, archaeologists concluded that “war” was at least not so uncommon in such situations of dire poverty or even hunger.

Erich Fromm and many anthropologists and ethnologists of the 19th and early 20th century concluded from what they observed among primitive people of their times that the latter were, generally speaking, generous, cooperative, spendthrift even in times of famine, and not so bellicose as many of their contemporaries imagined.

We know that in today’s world – in fact since the beginning of civilization, if not already since the Neolithic revolution, when farmers began a sedentary life – humans, generally speaking, are rather the opposite of what Fromm and other writers of his ilk think about the character of primitive people. Most of us think, humans are and have always been, in general, selfish, greedy, acquisitive, and ready to defend their property and special rights, if need be, by violent means.

It is a question whether primitive people generally lived in a state of material scarcity and whether for that reason they had to toil hard to sustain themselves. The hunter-gatherers Marshall Sahlins (1974: chapter 1) wrote about worked only three to four hours a day. But why not more? Were they satisfied with their degree of material “affluence”? As if in reply to this question, Sahlins (1974: 1-2) writes in a paper entitled “The Original Affluent Society”:

„For there are two possible courses to affluence. Wants may be ‘easily satisfied’ either by producing much or desiring little. […] But there is also a Zen road to affluence, departing from premises somewhat different from our own: that human material wants are finite and few, and technical means unchanging but on the whole adequate. Adopting the Zen strategy, a people can enjoy unparalleled material plenty – with a low standard of living.”


Needs and Wants of the Modern Human Population

We know that as a whole, we modern humans of the 3000 to 4000 years long Age of Civilization are trying to easily satisfy our wants by producing much rather than by desiring little. This is the course to affluence that already our forefathers who became the first Neolithic farmers chose to follow. In the past, there have of course been a few ascetic monks and sages, who followed the other course, that of desiring little. But they have always been a miniscule minority. And today, hardly anybody among us subscribes to the Zen strategy mentioned by Sahlins, not even monks in cloisters.

But it may also have been that the pressure of a slowly growing population gradually also compelled our forefathers to produce ever more. In that case, they hardly produced any affluence. And if they succeeded in producing more, but just enough to satisfy the bare material wants of their growing numbers, then they hardly achieved it “easily”

Demography historians have presented their estimates of human population growth in a diagram. It shows that the world population has been growing continuously and exponentially since the Neolithic Revolution (New Stone Age) some 10 thousand years ago1.

 

Figure 1: World population from 10,000 BC to 2000 AD. Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Estimates_of_historical_world_population (accessed: 13.4.2024), Public Domain


Let us take just a few numbers from our times:

In 1960 global human population was 3 billion,

in 1974              4 billion

in 1987              5 billion

in 1999              6 billion

in 2011              7 billion

(Data from Schriefl 2021: 60).

And now, at the time of writing (2024), it is over 8 billion.

Parallel to population growth, some other processes have been taking place in the human world as a whole, but also in every individual country, more or less.

Chimpanzees, primatologists tell us, invented hammer and ambos for cracking nuts and crafted thin twigs into tools for angling eatable ants out of anthills. Among humans, the process of inventing and making tools went on continuously, far beyond such a simple level, and ever faster. As a result, producing the basic necessities of life indeed became ever easier. Ever better and ever more tools enabled us to produce a surplus which, inter alia, had the effect that less and less people died of hunger and human population started growing faster than before.

Necessity, i.e. hunger, had been the mother of invention, as the saying goes. But in the following centuries and millennia the original spirit of inventing tools gathered momentum, developed its own dynamics. And it increasingly aimed at producing better weapons of war, and satisfying new “needs” and wants that human imagination itself created. A Marxist would say: basic needs are co-related to the level of development of the productive forces. Otto Ullrich (1979: 108) expressed it succinctly, but critically, and in a different context:

„In a system that tries to satisfy needs through material production […] there will always be for every level of ‘material wellbeing’ some new unfulfilled basic material needs, above all because this system is necessarily very inventive in the production of new luxury goods, which soon become the models of new basic material needs. This system will always be too poor […]. What was the day before yesterday the radio, was yesterday the black-and-white TV, is today the color TV; and tomorrow it will be the 3-dimensional picture projector.” (translated by S. Sarkar)

All kinds of leftists will blame this “system” on capitalism and its efforts to create new needs by means of advertisement. But it was a Greek mythology writer who imagined Ikarus und Daedalus flying like birds, and it was Jules Verne who imagined a journey to the moon. None of them was a capitalist.


Limits to Growth

The concurrency of population growth and productivity growth achieved through ever more use of ever better tools and by other means such as irrigation, use of manures and the three-field system had its limit. When this limit was reached, population growth had to lead to extensive agriculture: more and more land under the plough, more and more cattle in the stable, increasing deforestation, use of marginal land, emigration to still sparsely populated countries, and finally, conquering new continents and colonialism. The surplus populations of Europe were accommodated in the conquered continents, which were by no means terrae nullius (nobody’s land, unpopulated land), by killing off, partly also through imported diseases, or pushing away the indigenous populations to more and more inhospitable bad lands. All that is known history.

Even for the Crusades, allegedly a military expedition to wrest the holy city of Jerusalem from Muslim reign, overpopulation in Europe was, according to historians, an important causal factor. The umpteen supernumerary younger sons of the European nobility were of course knights, but they neither had any chance under the prevailing inheritance laws to possess their own estate nor wanted to become a monk or priest. They saw in the crusades an opportunity to have their own estate. It is they who assumed the leadership in the expeditions. And the excess rural population also followed them as foot soldiers, accompanied by their whole families as hangers-on, in order to have a chance to escape poverty at home.

Historian Robert Bartlett confirms this interpretation of the Crusades: In the 11th century – due to favorable climatic conditions and new developments in agricultural technology – there had been a population explosion in some European countries. This also led to an expansion in the peripheries of Europe2.

This was partly also the case during the Iberian conquest of South America. Younger sons of the nobility and young people from the poor underclass took the initiative in colonizing the American continent.


Malthus Was Not Wrong

Malthus was the first economist who theorized – in my opinion, convincingly – on the population problem. But he has been much reviled by all kinds of leftists, feminists, Marx and Engels themselves, and more recently, also by many people who claim to be ecologists or environmentalists. He has been dismissed as a conservative, and, what is worse, as a spokesperson and lobbyist of the bourgeoisie and landed aristocracy. He has been most reviled for a passage in an early edition of his essay, which he felt compelled to delete in the subsequent editions of his book. It reads as follows:

„A man who is born into a world already possessed, if he cannot get subsistence from his parents on whom he has a just demand, and if the society does not want his labour, has no claim of right to the smallest portion of food, and, in fact, has no business to be where he is. At Nature’s mighty feast there is no vacant cover for him. She tells him to be gone.” (quoted in Gide et al. 1953: 140-141, italics by S. Sarkar)

Malthus added that Nature does not fail to bring even this command to execution.

Even in the 1950s to the 1970s, I have come across many such hungry men and women in India, who, in fact, had literally the least right to demand any portion of food. Of course, they had a moral right, because, after all it is not they who wanted to be born. It is their parents who brought them into the already occupied world. They were prepared to give their labor in exchange for food. But neither their parents nor the society at large could meet this moral demand. Many of course did not care, and many pretended as if they just did not see.

Anybody who does not turn his back and is willing to see, can see the hundreds of thousands of hungry, expelled or fleeing refugees from the drought-, war-, and violence-stricken regions of Africa, the Middle East, Central America, South Asia etc., who are thronging the refugee camps set up in the neighboring countries. Millions of others – unemployed young men and women from such countries, people without a perspective – who are willing to work in exchange for a better life, are sacrificing their dignity and very often even risking their life while trying to illegally cross the borders to Europe and North America.

To understand and appreciate Malthus’s population law, we must first quote the law and then interpret it. It says: „Population, when unchecked, increases in a geometrical ratio [exponentially]. Subsistence increases only in an arithmetical ratio.” (quoted in Catton 1980: 126). In his book, when he said “population”, Malthus always meant human population, and when he said “subsistence“, he meant food. But, in William Catton’s (1980: 126) opinion

„[…] the really basic Malthusian principle is so important that it needs to be restated in the more accurate vocabulary of modern ecology. It states a relationship of inequality between two variables: The cumulative biotic potential of the human species exceeds the carrying capacity of its habitat.” (ibid.)

Malthus also uses the words “when unchecked”, with which he means to say potentially. We know that in a natural environment, nature sees to it that every generation of any species of living beings including humans can/does produce offspring (or seeds) at a rate much higher than the replacement rate. The surplus is, one may almost say, meant to be devoured/eaten away by the respective predator species or cannot survive because of various other reasons – processes that act as checks to the numerical growth of the prey species. As for humans, we know that there are still countries, where the human population is growing very rapidly because there the checks to growth are very weak or even nonexistent. And there are countries where the human population is decreasing because the indirect checks there, e.g. high cost of better living, are too many or too strong.

We modern humans have succeeded – thanks to our intelligence, sophisticated tools and weapons power – in subduing and reducing, though not eliminating, all current and potential predators and dangers. In this we succeeded so well that now we have even to save some species that could potentially harm us – the tiger, the wolf and the lion, for example. However, apart from natural death and some acts of nature beyond our control (earthquakes, epidemics of incurable diseases etc.), there are dangers and causes of decimation that we humans ourselves have given rise to. These are the checks, though very weak, that are till now keeping our population from growing faster.

Foremost among them are wars of all kinds. Then come environmental pollution and global warming leading to climate catastrophes. These are the best-known and most acknowledged as past and potential causes of our decimation. Thus, e.g., it is estimated that in the 30-Years War (1618- 1648), the population of Central Europe – in what was then called the Holy Roman Empire – was decimated to an extent of about 45 percent. Other estimates speak of 8 million deaths in a total population of 16 million. And today, many scientists fear that global warming, climate change, environmental pollution and biodiversity loss may make the planet uninhabitable for humans.3


Rwanda – Genocide – a Malthusian worst case

How right Malthus was and how much population has still to do with decimation of human numbers can be best illustrated with the case of the Hutu-Tutsi conflict in Rwanda, that culminated in 1994 in the genocidal killing of ca. 800 000 (mostly) Tutsi perpetrated by the Hutu. I do not here want to narrate the whole story of that genocide. That has been done by many competent authors.4 Instead, I shall only highlight the facts and figures that are relevant to my contention.

In 1993, Rwanda’s population of 6.84 million was growing at the rate of 3.1 percent per annum. They were living on a total area of 26,338 square kilometers. With 260 people per square kilometer, the country had one of the highest population densities in the world. Fertility rate in 1993 was 6.5 births per woman.5

Rwanda’s fertile land, adequate rainfall, and mild climate are quite favorable to agricultural growth. The altitude at which the country was situated kept malaria away. Yet, the advantages from all these favorable circumstances were nullified by the high rate of population growth. In 1990, about 94 percent of the population lived in rural areas. And most of them had to live off farming. Opportunities for off-farm income through professions such as carpentry were few.

Because of the high population density, farm-sizes were small to very small. The few big farms were called so because they measured more than 1 to 2 acres. Agricultural productivity was low because of absence of mechanization and other modern methods of farming. To give an example, in the hilly country, farmers ploughed their land up and down, apparently ignoring the advantages of terrace cultivation.

When, in the 1960s and again in 1973, many Tutsi were killed or fled the country, and their land was taken over by the Hutu, per capita food availability increased. Many Hutu farmers thought then that they now had enough land to feed their families. But after 1981, it again gradually fell back to the 1960s level. It had to fall because in these 20 years the population had not ceased to grow.

Family planning was not unknown in Rwanda. There was even an office or department of family planning. But it was good for nothing. It was mainly created to enable foreign donor agencies to give Rwanda development aid. Also the negative influence of the Catholic Church was too strong.

Jared Diamond quotes Gerard Prunier, a scholar of East Africa:

„[…] part of the reason why it [the genocidal killing] was carried out so thoroughly by the ordinary rank-and-file peasants in their ingo [= family compound] was the feeling that there were too many people on too little land, and that with a reduction in their numbers, there would be more for the survivors.” (Diamond 2006: 326).

Diamond also quotes two other observers, André and Platteau:

„The 1994 events provided a unique opportunity to settle scores, or to reshuffle land properties, even among Hutu villagers. […] It is not rare, even today, to hear Rwandans argue that a war is necessary to wipe out an excess of population and to bring numbers into line with the available land resources.” (ibid: 326)

Let us now come to the end of this part of the story. After 1994, many outside observers had thought that the genocide was the result, the tragic culmination of a decades-long hateful power struggle between the two ethnic groups Hutu and Tutsi. That this power struggle, this hatred, existed cannot be denied. These were facts. Fact was also that after the Hutu took over power, there emerged different factions among them who competed for dominance. But the Hutu-Tutsi ethnic conflict need not have been resolved through such a barbaric genocide. I find the conclusion arrived at by Jared Diamond convincing. He writes:

„I am accustomed to thinking of population pressure, human environmental impacts, and drought as ultimate causes, which make people chronically desperate and are like the gun powder inside the powder keg. One also needs a proximate cause: a match to light the keg. In most areas of Rwanda, that match was ethnic hatred whipped up by politicians cynically concerned with keeping themselves in power.” (ibid: 326)


The Israel-vs.-Palestine conflict

Since October 2023, we are witnessing the Israel–Hamas war in Gaza. Here too, many people first think of ethnic or religious hatred as the cause of the long-drawn conflict. Some people also speak of an anti-colonial liberation war being carried out by the Palestinians.

These points are of course partly true. But what most observers and commentators leave unmentioned is the deeper cause of the intractability of the conflict: that it is a war over birthrates. As soon as I opened the internet and searched for the population growth rate of the two ethnic groups, I found the following lines: Let me quote them verbatim:

„The estimated Palestinian world population has increased 10-fold since the Nakba from 1.37 million in 1948 to an estimated 14.3 million by mid-2022, some 7.1 million of them inside historic Palestine, representing 49.9% of the total population (Israelis and Palestinians).“6

The population of Israel is also growing?

„In this war over birthrates, it may seem like good news for Israel that by 2040, the country's overall population is projected to increase by another two million people, reaching 12 million. However, the Jewish population is growing mostly thanks to one community, the haredim, or the ultra-Orthodox.”7

That means there is no solution until and unless the population of both the population groups stops growing. Because land and resources available in Palestine are limited.

 

Notes and References

1. In roughly the first 10 millenia after the Neolithic Revolution (dated about 10,000 BC), the human population was growing very slowly. If, during these times, it had been growing exponentially at all, then at a very low growth rate.

2. https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kreuzzug (accessed: 13.4.2024), Bartlett (1993).

3. According to David Wallace-Wells (2019) who interviewed many high level scientists working on the subject of climate change and environmental pollution.

4. See e.g., Diessenbacher (1998), Diamond (2006)

5. Daten der Weltbank, https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.DYN.TFRT.IN?locations=RW (accessed: 13.4.2024)

6. Palestinian Academic Society for the Study of International Affairs, Factsheet Population, http://passia.org/media/filer_
public/50/f1/50f1cdf6-42d6-430c-b5bc-1078b7ce5845/factheet_
population.pdf (accessed: 24.4.2024)

7. https://aspeniaonline.it/israel-a-demographic-ticking-bomb-in-todays-one-state-reality/ (accessed: 14.4.2024)

 

Literature

Bartlett, Robert (1993): The Making of Europe: Conquest, Colonization and Cultural Change 950 – 1350. London (Penguin)

Catton, William R. Jr. (1980):Overshoot –The Ecological Basis of Revolutionary Change. Urbana etc. (University of Illinois Press)

Diamond, Jared (2006):Collapse – How societies choose to fail or survive. London (Penguin)

Diessenbacher, Hartmut (1998):Kriege der Zukunft –Die Bevölkerungsexplosion gefährdet den Frieden. München, Wien (Hanser)

Gide, Charles et al (1953): A History of Economic Doctrines. London etc. (George G. Harrap)

Sahlins, Marshall (1974): Stone Age Economics: London (Routledge), reprint from the first edition (1972)

Schriefl, Ernst (2021): Öko-Bilanz – Wo wir stehen, was zu tun wäre, wohin wir steuern. Norderstedt (Books on Demand)

Ullrich, Otto (1979): Weltniveau – In der Sackgasse des Industriesystems. Berlin (Rotbuch)

Wallace-Wells, David (2019): The Uninhabitable Earth – Life After Warming. New York (Tim Duggan)

Conditions of Peace

Saral Sarkar

This post is the final chapter from the book "Factors of Conflict and Conditions of Peace", written by Saral Sarkar.

The book is now (since February 2025) also available in German, under the title "Krieg, Gewalt und die Grenzen des Wachstums" (Metropolis). The English version of the book was published 2024 by Books on Demand.


In his A Study of War, Quincy Wright (1965: 100) wrote a sort of a summary of the history of civilization:

„Out of the warlike peoples arose civilization, while the peaceful collectors and hunters were driven to the ends of the earth, where they are gradually being exterminated or absorbed, with only the dubious satisfaction of observing the nations which had wielded war so effectively to destroy them and to become great, now victimized by their own instruments.” (quoted in Wilson 1978/1995: 116)

But such are the facts; we are all living in civilization, even most of the tribal peoples of the world.

Against the background of all the knowledge on wars and conflicts, we can now talk about conditions of peace in our world. We can generalize that economic interests have been the strongest, though not the only, factor in the history of conflicts and wars among humans and among groups of humans. The will to survive and to pursue one’s own economic and other material interests related to survival (i.e., selfishness) was ingrained in our character, when we evolved from some ape species. That is what the theory of evolution says. But it has not been an absolutely dominant trait of our character, not in all situations. Primatologists who have studied character traits of chimpanzees, our closest relatives in the animal world, have come to a conclusion that agrees with everyday observations of us humans made also by ordinary people. Eminent primatologist Frans de Waal (2006: 136) writes:

“Both humans and chimps are gentle, or at least restrained, toward members of their own group, yet both can be monsters to those on the outside. I am simplifying of course, because chimps can also kill within their own community, as can people. But the in-group versus out-group distinction is fundamental when it comes to love and hate.”

When it comes to love and hate, powerful emotions can be aroused and conflicts with out-groups can lead to violence, even to war. Only the borders between the in-groups (sometimes aka Identity groups) and the corresponding out-groups have never been stable in the course of history.

With reference to the biblical commandment „Thou shall not kill”, Irenäus Eibl-Eibesfeldt writes:

„The interesting question is however whether we declare our support for this article of faith only on the basis of rationality, or whether we additionally also follow innate proclivities. If the latter is the case, then our hope for peaceful co-existence would surely be better founded than if only compulsion or pure reason makes us law-abiding.“ (Eibl-Eibesfeldt 1971: 113, translated by S. Sarkar)

De Waal thinks we may have this hope. Even lay people know and can observe that we humans, like animals, have some genetically inherited inhibitions that control aggression, particularly inhibition to kill members of in-groups. More such innate tendencies can be observed among our nearest relatives, the chimpanzees. De Waal found that chimps share with us humans character traits like generosity as well as a sense of morality. He writes in his books (1996, 2006, 2010) that the human character traits empathy, kindness, helpfulness, solidarity and cooperation must also be innate, because they are not uniquely human, they are also present in apes.

Also Eibl-Eibesfeldt, who, with Konrad Lorenz, believes in the existence of an innate aggression-drive in humans, cannot be regarded as a complete pessimist. He writes, let me repeat, in an essay (1990: 81, translated by S. Sarkar):

„We are not fully predetermined by our instincts. We are capable of controlling our nature through culture. […] What is decisive is that we are the first creatures that can set goals for themselves and thus give our life a meaning. By doing this, we, of course, do not free our-selves from [our] nature. But we actively enter into new situations, in which new conditions of selection act upon us.”

It is not clear in this quote how, according to Eibl-Eibesfeldt, the new conditions of selection would act upon us. Will they act in the usual biological evolutionary way? That is, through genetic mutations and selection of those mutants that are best adapted to the new requirements of the changed situations?

Ian Morris, a famous historian of the genre Big History, of course accepts the ethological thesis of presence of innate aggression in humans, but, unlike Eibl-Eibesfeldt, he does not think that assumption of a special ability to make radical cultural adaptations to new situations is necessary for hoping that in some near future, say in the next 30 to 40 years, peace will be possible (Morris 2014).

Morris thinks that although war is a terrible thing, on the whole, the wars of the past have also brought progress, technological as well as political, albeit inadvertently. Things that were invented as weapons and/or further developed in order to get some advantage in war, later also proved to be valuable for civil life. Sooner or later, all peoples of the world copied the inventions. Thus, a competition for ever better inventions and innovations arose among rival powers, which drove technological progress ahead for the whole human civilization.

After every war, when peace came, ever increasing trade between formerly enemy countries (and also others) enriched societies of both. And trade required better law and order, better administrations and many other better institutions. Even if one people was defeated and integrated in the kingdom or empire of the victors, the defeated and subjugated people also contributed to the might of the victors and hence had also to be granted the advantages of living in a large and strong state/empire.

This essay is not the right place for a detailed summary of Ian Morris‘ book (War! What it is Good For?). Suffice it to say that Morris thinks that the horrendous costs of war and the great advantages of peaceful co-existence are so obvious that soon making war would become obsolete, an anachronism.

There is also not enough space here for a detailed critique of all the points that Morris makes for his argument. I shall here mention only the basic flaw in it. Morris has arrived at his conclusion by studying the development of human civilization through the past centuries. And he assumes that in the foreseeable future our civilization would go on developing in the same manner and in the same direction. He assumes continuous economic growth and incessant political progress. His hope (prognosis, if you will) of a peaceful world in the near future totally depends on these two assumptions. His book appeared in 2014.

The same flaw in thinking builds the basis of the expectation of a “demographic dividend” in certain newly rising developing countries such as India, where population growth has been continuing in the current decades. I remember having heard such talks even from India’s leading politicians. The reasoning was that a plethora of cheap laborers contribute to industrial development of hitherto underdeveloped countries.

But the Club of Rome’s famous book Limits to Growth (by Meadows et al.) appeared already in 1972. This possibility, that there are limits to growth, cannot be ignored. After all, all essential nonrenewable resources that our civilization needs, including arable land, are limited, and it is becoming ever more difficult and ever more expensive to extract them. Also, the capacity of nature to absorb man-made pollutions is limited. Otherwise, there would not be any necessity to raise such alarms as we hear since many years now. Parallel to this, the global human population is growing continuously, albeit at a slower rate than before.

Eibl-Eibesfeldt, in the quote above, does not indicate what “new situations” he is thinking of. So far as I can visualize, those would be the dire consequences of climate change, and of other global and local environmental damages. Shortage of essential resources may lead to resource wars. It is already causing large-scale unwelcome immigration from overpopulated countries into the rich countries. Technological solutions to such problems are increasingly becoming difficult, if not impossible. This is a completely new political-economic situation.

Thinkers like De Waal and Eibl-Eibesfeldt appear to have thought about the problems of war and peace in isolation. They thought about these, of course, in connection with the results of their own scientific research on human and animal nature. But they, like Morris, appear to have been working under the assumption that in the surrounding areas of human life, other things and developments would remain more or less the same, or, when changes take place, the direction of the changes would remain the same, i.e., ever better and upward. They did not notice, it seems, that in the areas of economic, political and social conditions, and in the related areas of thought, massive changes have been taking place that should necessitate a whole shift from the hitherto valid “Growth Paradigm” to what I call “Limits-to-Growth Paradigm” (Sarkar 1999).

Thinkers, who have accepted this paradigm shift seriously, already know of the possibility of world-wide economic, political and societal collapse. They are writing books on subjects that, taken together, may be called collapsology.

Now let us suppose that in such a new situation, the leaders of the world are in a position and have the strength to take the right decisions and set the right short-, middle- and long-term goals, for the world as a whole as well as for their own particular countries. So far as I can reasonably see, these decisions would have to be such that they would initiate a worldwide economic contraction, de-growth in modern jargon. Mankind must accept these goals and adapt itself to everything resulting from implementation of the corresponding policies. That would be a collection of radical cultural, economic, and political changes. That would not happen through a gradual millennia-long process of spontaneous genetic mutations and selections. And if the needed changes do not take place very soon, the world would sink into global chaos with dozens, if not hundreds of low-intensity wars, civil wars and conflicts – big and small. The wars and conflicts of the future would not be waged for building empires, but for defending “our” land, or for taking possession of the land of “others”, and, for that matter, the mines containing valuable minerals. Already now, we can see walls and fences being erected at many places between sovereign countries and territories. The wars in Palestine-Israel have always been about possession of land. Similar has been the case in Rwanda (Diessenbacher 1998). And in Western Sahara, the bone of contention are the phosphate mines.

But science-savvy people may ask: can’t we use genetic engineering for solving once for all the problem of peace? John Keegan (2012: 133), a military historian, tried to imagine a biological-evolutionary solution to the problem of innate aggression, that leads to frequent wars and other acts of violence: He writes:

„A successful adaptation through mutation, in which-ever way the latter may have occurred, is a reaction to the conditions of the environment. Although […] genetic engineering may make it possible to bring about ‚specific mutations‘ or ‚genetic mutations‘ and thus breed creatures without any aggression, it would be necessary for their survival to keep them under conditions in which there would be no threat for them. But such conditions do not exist in the natural environment, and they cannot also be created. Even if a fully agression-free human race would come into being and would live under exclusively favorable circumstances, it would still see itself compelled to kill; apart from lower organisms (germs) that cause diseases and insects and tiny animals that house the disease-germs, also bigger animals that compete with humans for plants, on which the latter subsist. One can hardly imagine how creatures that are incapable of any kind of aggressive reaction would be able to control their environment.“ (translation and italics by S. Sarkar)

Prospects of peace have become very dim. A long period of (violent) conflicts and societal collapse in one country after another is in the offing. It seems to me, if we at all dare to speculate on a peaceful world, then it should be temporally located after the long era of collapse, during which the world population will go down drastically. We already know enough about the factors of wars and conflicts. This knowledge only needs to be spread.

If government leaders want to do something for peace already before that time, they can enforce a birth control policy in countries where population is still growing. A non-growing population would immediately lead to increase in per capita availability of all consumption goods. And that would, incidentally, also mitigate the severity of the other causes of conflict, such as unemployment and illegal migration. De Waal writes:

„We know that bonobos presently live in a richer habitat than chimps, one that allows mixed groups of males and females to forage together. This permits greater social cohesion than in chimps, who in their quest for food split up into small parties. The ‘sisterhood’ among unrelated females that is typical of bonobo society would not have been possible without predictable, abundant food sources” (de Waal 2006: 227f.)

Another thing that should be done, but is very difficult to do, is to drive out from the head of young people the thought that the task of their governments and political parties is to make them ever more prosperous and happier. The primary task of governments today is to save the environment for life in general, including animal life. But to achieve any degree of success in this direction, a degree of egalitarianism must become part of the core of policy.

If cultural leaders of a society want to, dare to, try to contribute something toward peace, they can try by all non-aggressive, non-offending and non-provocative means to reduce the importance of a person’s religious and other similar identities. What exactly should and could be done in this regard is a discussion that must be carried out, but at another place.

 

Literature

Deschner, Karlheinz (ed.) (1990): Woran ich glaube. Gütersloh (Gütersloher Verlagshaus)

De Waal, Frans (1996): Good Natured. The Origins of Right and Wrong in Humans and Other Animals. Cambridge MA, London (Harvard University Press)

De Waal, Frans (2006): Our Inner Ape – The Best and Worst of Human Nature. London (Granta Books)

De Waal, Frans (2010): The Age of Empathy: Nature's Lessons for a Kinder Society. London (Souvenir Press)

Diessenbacher, Hartmut (1998): Kriege der Zukunft –Die Bevölkerungsexplosion gefährdet den Frieden. München, Wien (Hanser)

Eibl-Eibesfeldt, Irenäus (1971): Liebe und Hass – Zur Naturgeschichte elementarer Verhaltensweisen. Frankfurt a. M. etc. (Büchergilde Gutenberg)

Eibl-Eibesfeldt, Irenäus (1990): „Glaube als Offenbarungswissen und Zuversicht”, in: Deschner (1990)

Keegan, John (2012): Die Kultur des Krieges. Köln: (Anaconda Verlag)

Meadows, Donella, et al. (1972): Limits to Growth. New York (Universe Books)

Morris, Ian (2014): War! What it is Good For? The Role of Conflict in Civilisation, from Primates to Robotes. London (Profile Books)

Sarkar, Saral (1999): Eco-Socialism or Eco-Capitalism? – A Critical Analysis of Humanity’s Fundamental Choices. London (Zed Books)

Wilson, Edward O. (1978): On Human Nature. Cambridge MA (Harvard University Press)

Wright, Quincy (1965): A Study of War. 2nd edition, Chicago (University of Chicago Press)

Polemics is Useless – A Proposal For an Eco-socialist Synthesis in the Overpopulation Dispute

Saral Sarkar This essay was originally published in 1993. More than 30 years later, with more than 8 billion people living on the planet t...